Volodin Vyacheslav Viktorovich - Russian politician. Chairman of the State Duma of the VII convocation since October 5, 2016. Formerly First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration Russian Federation(from December 27, 2011 to October 5, 2016). Chief of Staff of the Government of the Russian Federation - Deputy Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation (2010-2011). Acting State Advisor of the Russian Federation, 1st class (2012).
Biography
Volodin Vyacheslav Viktorovich, born 02/04/1964, native of the town. Alekseevka, Khvalynsky district, Saratov region.
Relatives. Wife: Volodina (maiden name Dmitrieva) Victoria Anatolyevna, born 05/09/1962. Daughter former first Secretary of the Ershovsky District Committee of the CPSU of the Saratov Region. Currently engaged in housekeeping.
Daughter: Volodina Svetlana Vyacheslavovna, born November 21, 1990, graduate student at the Higher School of Economics.
State. Income in 2016: RUB 62,129,066.55. Real estate: Land plot under country house construction, 8320 sq. m, Land plot, 11105 sq. m (hire (rent)), Guest house, 208.6 sq. m., Guest house with three parking spaces, 468.1 sq. m., Residential building, 989.2 sq. m., Apartment, 174.3 sq. m., Parking space, 18.7 sq. m., Outbuilding, 16.2 sq. m., Non-residential building, 28 sq. m., Greenhouse, 49.5 sq. m., Treatment plant, 81 sq. m., outbuilding, 91 sq. m., Non-residential building, 225.5 sq. m., Child: Apartment, 174.3 sq. m (free use) Child: Apartment, 174.3 sq. m (free use).
Awards. Order of Merit for the Fatherland, III degree (2012). Order of Merit for the Fatherland, IV degree (April 20, 2006) - for his great contribution to legislative activity and many years of conscientious work. Order of Honor (April 14, 2003) - for active legislative activity and many years of conscientious work. Order of Friendship (August 15, 1997) - for services to the state and great contribution to the socio-economic development of the region (Saratov). Honored Lawyer of the Russian Federation (January 3, 2009). Medal of Anatoly Koni (Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation, 2009). Medal “For Military Commonwealth” (Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, 2006). Honorary citizen of the city of Rtishchevo and the Rtishchevsky municipal district (January 2010).
Education
Graduated from the Saratov Institute of Mechanization Agriculture(SIMH) and the Russian Academy civil service. Has an academic degree of Doctor of Law.
Labor activity
- After graduating from university, he studied in graduate school, then was an assistant, senior lecturer and associate professor at the Institute of Chemistry and Chemistry. At the same time, he was elected to the Saratov City Council, where he headed the commission on youth affairs and was actively involved in business.
- In 1992, for some time he was the head of the Saratov city administration with the rank of his deputy.
- In 1993, he went to work at the Volga Region Personnel Center (since 1995 - the Volga Region Academy of Public Administration), where he took the position of head of the department of state and regional administration.
- In 1995 he became vice-rector of this academy. At the same time, in 1994, he was elected to the Saratov Regional Duma and became its vice-speaker.
- In 1996, Volodin V.V. received the post of vice-governor of the Saratov region and first deputy of the regional government.
- In 1997, he was relieved of these positions and went to Moscow, where he went into business. At the same time, he took part in the creation of the Fatherland movement.
- In 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation from the electoral association "Fatherland - All Russia", in which he became deputy leader, and in 2001 - head of the faction.
- In 2003, he was re-elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation from the Balakovo single-mandate electoral district No. 156, receiving the support of 82% of voters. After his election, he became deputy chairman of the State Duma and first deputy head of the United Russia faction.
- In 2007, he was re-elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation on the list of the United Russia party. After re-election, he retained the post of Deputy Chairman of the State Duma.
- In 2010, he was appointed head of the apparatus of the Government of the Russian Federation with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister.
- Since December 27, 2011, he has been First Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. He also serves as Chairman of the Supervisory Board of the Higher School of Economics.
- In September 2016, he was elected to the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the 7th convocation, and therefore left the post of First Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration. In the State Duma he took the post of speaker of the gentle chamber.
Connections/Partners
Ayatskov Dmitry Fedorovich, born 09.11.1950, adviser to the governor of the Saratov region on agrarian issues, former governor Saratov region. Ayatskov patronized Volodin, promoting him in every possible way up the career ladder, but then their relationship cooled. Ayatskov initiated Volodin’s departure to Moscow because he feared competition from him. Subsequently, their relationship deteriorated.
Batalina Olga Yurievna, born November 8, 1975, Chairman of the State Duma Committee of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation on Labor, Social Policy and Veterans Affairs. Volodin’s student at the Volga Region Academy of Civil Service. Thanks to Volodina’s patronage, she first became vice-mayor and then was elected to the State Duma. Considered to be his person. However, rumors about their love affair are not true.
Burov Vladislav Yurievich, born on August 11, 1963, entrepreneur, president of the Buket Group of Companies, which, in particular, includes fat factories in Saratov, Moscow and Novosibirsk. A friend from his student days and Volodin’s actual “wallet”. Thanks to Burov, Volodin is the actual beneficiary of development projects of the Buket holding.
Glybochko Petr Vitalievich, born July 21, 1964, rector of the First Moscow State Medical University. I. M. Sechenov. An old friend of Volodin from his student days, when Volodin headed the trade union committee of SIMH, and Glybochko headed the Saratov Medical Institute. Volodin initiated the appointment of Glybochko as rector of a leading Moscow medical university. According to some reports, Volodin promised him the post of Minister of Health.
Grishchenko Oleg Vasilievich, born on August 10, 1966, mayor of Saratov. A close friend of Volodin and his partner in the implementation of schemes for the illegal withdrawal of funds from the state budget. According to some reports, their villas on the Cote d'Azur are located nearby. He tried to become the governor of the Saratov region, but Volodin preferred his other friend, Valery Radaev, to the overly “smeared” Grishchenko.
Gryzlov Boris Vyacheslavovich, born December 15, 1950, former Chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. Volodin's hardware opponent. Despite the fact that Volodin was his deputy, their relationship was very strained. At the same time, Gryzlov spoke extremely casually about Volodin, calling him “Saratov Chrysostom.”
Ipatov Pavel Leonidovich, born on April 12, 1950, Deputy General Director - Director for Strategy and Organizational Development of Rosenergoatom Concern OJSC, former governor of the Saratov region. At first, relations between Volodin and Ipatov were normal, but then Ipatov began to interfere with Volodin’s corrupt activities in the Saratov region. This became the cause of a protracted conflict, which resulted in Ipatov’s resignation from the governor’s post.
Luzhkov Yuri Mikhailovich, born September 21, 1936, former mayor Moscow. When Volodin moved to Moscow to work in the Fatherland movement, he really liked Luzhkov. It was Luzhkov, together with Yevgeny Primakov, who promoted Volodin to the post of faction leader. Subsequently, their relationship cooled. No contacts currently available.
Pankov Nikolay Vasilievich, born 01/05/1965, Chairman of the State Duma Committee of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation on Agrarian Issues. Close friend of Volodin. In Saratov he was considered right hand. For a long time he headed Volodin’s secretariat in Saratov and Moscow. I owe my current position solely to Volodin.
Radaev Valery Vasilievich, born 04/02/1961, governor of the Saratov region. Close friend of Volodin. He owes his appointment to Volodin, who actively lobbied for his candidacy.
Sliska Lyubov Konstantinovna, born October 15, 1953, former first deputy chairman of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. At first they were friends, but then their relationship deteriorated. Sliska, who was in a love affair with Governor Ayatskov, ensured that Volodin was sent to Moscow. In the State Duma she was a hardware ally of Gryzlov against Volodin.
Surkov Vladislav Yurievich, born September 21, 1964, Assistant to the President of the Russian Federation, former First Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. At first, Surkov liked Volodin and the latter “blessed” him to stay in Moscow. Subsequently they became hardware opponents. Volodin always had a negative attitude towards Surkov’s “combinations”. Largely thanks to Volodin, who, after his appointment to the Government of the Russian Federation and the creation of the ONF, received direct access to Putin, Surkov lost his position as First Deputy Head of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation.
To information
After the events of August 1991 and the collapse of the USSR, the formation of a new vertical of power began, unrelated to the previous one. This process did not go smoothly everywhere, not excluding the Saratov region. Here the head of the administration, loyal to the new authorities in Moscow, appeared only in February 1992. He became the former director of the poultry farm, people's deputy Yuri Belykh. In turn, his friend became the mayor of Saratov Yuri Kitov, who headed the Saratov Poultry Association. Another person from the agricultural sector was invited to the position of vice mayor Dmitry Ayatskov. The young deputy Volodin also found himself on this team, who received the position of manager of the administration of Saratov with the rank of deputy head of the city administration.
However, Vyacheslav Viktorovich did not remain in this position for long. Already in 1993, he became vice-rector of the Volga Region Personnel Center, which in 1995 was transformed into the Volga Region Academy of Public Service. Volodin’s departure from the city administration was caused by the fact that very difficult relations had developed between the “fathers” of the city. The energetic vice-mayor Ayatskov, possessing a looser tongue, began to become more popular than the “too rural” mayor. For example, it was Ayatskov who in 1993 received the mandate and the right to represent the Saratov region in the upper house of the Federal Assembly. As for Vyacheslav Viktorovich, he chose to distance himself from this confrontation. At the same time, he received more opportunities for doing business, which he could not afford as a city official.
In 1994, Volodin was elected to the Saratov Regional Duma from Russian Union reserve officers. In the new composition of the Duma, he became deputy chairman. At the same time, the mayor of Kitov died suddenly at the age of fifty-one. He was replaced by Vice Mayor Ayatskov, with whom Vyacheslav Viktorovich had very good relations. Volodin began to prepare for a new career leap, fortunately such an opportunity soon came for him.
In 1996, the presidential election campaign began Boris Yeltsin, during which it turned out that he was completely losing to the communist candidate Gennady Zyuganov. Those around Yeltsin became worried and began to take measures to raise the extremely low rating of the then Russian leader. On Staraya Square, it was decided to replace a number of regional leaders who did not have enough authority to provide adequate local support for Yeltsin’s candidacy. Among the governors who lost their posts was Yuri Belykh. The energetic mayor of Saratov, Dmitry Ayatskov, was appointed in his place. The gubernatorial elections were scheduled for the fall, after the presidential ones, and their outcome, given Ayatskov’s charisma, was virtually a foregone conclusion.
In this situation, Vyacheslav Viktorovich behaved extremely wisely. He did not put forward his candidacy for the post of governor (although he could well have, since he was quite popular), for which he was rewarded by Ayatskov with the position of first deputy governor, becoming the second person after the governor of the Saratov region. And after Dmitry Fedorovich won the elections, he hastened to approve Volodin as the only vice-governor. Vyacheslav Viktorovich now not only replaced the governor in the event of his absence, but also oversaw economic and property issues of the region, as well as the regional media.
Of all the “plots” that Volodin got, the most profitable was the budget one. Thus, Vyacheslav Viktorovich almost immediately established the practice of collecting kickbacks from everyone to whom budget funds were allocated. At the same time, he took 5% of the allocated amounts. By the way, looking ahead, it should be said that this practice continued after Volodin went to work in Moscow as a deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, then in the Government and Administration of the President of the Russian Federation. As a result, everyone in the Saratov region knows very well who determines whether budget funds will be allocated in the proper amount. Vyacheslav Viktorovich also “dabbled” in selling lands using forged documents, in which prices were lowered by several times the real sale, thereby evading normal taxation. The end result of his activities was the ruin of the region and Volodin’s millions (in dollars, of course) of accounts in a number of foreign banks.
Thus, Volodin seriously strengthened his position, which caused a certain jealousy of Ayatskov. After all, the impressive Vyacheslav Viktorovich not only oversaw key issues, but also looked more advantageous against the background of the “simple” Dmitry Fedorovich. The image-making company Nikolla M, invited by Ayatskov, conducted a sociological study in the region and found that Volodin has more authority and popularity, and people associate the future of the region with him. Naturally, the governor did not like this. He stopped trusting Vyacheslav Viktorovich and began making decisions that were not agreed upon with him, often ignoring his proposals. The discord in the region's leadership became obvious, and Volodin's departure became inevitable.
However, Ayatskov could not just fire his popular deputy. Therefore, Dmitry Fedorovich thought a lot about how to get rid of Vyacheslav Viktorovich, until he finally came up with one combination that was cunning in his opinion. Just at that time (it was 1998) the Moscow mayor Yuri Luzhkov started talking about plans to create an all-Russian movement “Fatherland”. In turn, Ayatskov was seriously “tied” to the then pro-government movement “Our Home is Russia,” while “Fatherland” did not receive the “highest” approval and was considered a competitor to the NDR. Therefore, Dmitry Fedorovich did not risk breaking with “Our House”, at the same time, deciding “just in case” to send an observer to “Fatherland”. Ayatskov's choice fell on Volodin. Thus, he wanted to kill two birds with one stone: not only to get his man in the new movement, but also to get rid of a competitor who was becoming more and more dangerous every day.
In “Fatherland”, Vyacheslav Viktorovich took the place of deputy secretary of the political council, quite adequate to his status. Having easily been elected to the State Duma on the “Fatherland - All Russia” list (as the movement became known after the merger with Shaimiev’s “All Russia”), he became deputy chairman of the OVR faction in the State Duma. During his first year as a deputy, Volodin actively “settled in” in Moscow, constantly appearing on television screens, since he was one of the leaders of the OVR, Evgeny Primakov, went into the shadows, and another, Yuri Luzhkov, preferred working in parliament to the position of mayor of Moscow. Relatively young (he was not forty then), but at the same time sedate in appearance, Vyacheslav Viktorovich was liked on Old Square, so it was not surprising when he replaced Primakov as head of the OVR faction, which he remained until the end of the term of office of the then Duma .
It is interesting that even while in Moscow, Volodin continued his “dark” activities. So, in 2002, he gave an order to the Minister of Transport and Road Construction of the Saratov Region Gevorg Jalavyan from those received from the state budget Money for the construction of regional roads, 5 percent should be transferred to him personally through a trusted deputy from Mordovia Victor Grishin. Jalavyan obediently followed the “chief’s” instructions, not stopping even when Vyacheslav Viktorovich increased the rollback to 6 percent. Until 2006, the Volodin-Jalavyan connection eased the state treasury by 2.5 billion rubles. However, only Gevorg Dzhalalovich was punished, while Vyacheslav Viktorovich turned out to be as clean before the law as a newborn baby.
In addition, Volodin, actively abusing his official position, managed to take over fat factories through a raider takeover both in his native Saratov and in Moscow and Novosibirsk. This activity was carried out with the help of the general director of the Solnechnye Products holding and the Buket group of companies Vladislav Burov. Thus production sunflower oil, mayonnaise and other food products of the Solnechnye Produkty holding and the Buket group of companies are practically owned by Vyacheslav Viktorovich, who received a profit of several million dollars a year from this. At the same time, in order to seize various companies, both in Saratov and in other cities of the country, Volodin, based on the Buket Group of Companies, created his own secret security service, which carries out and, according to some information, continues to carry out various “sharp” measures.
After OVR and Unity united to form United Russia, a new round of struggle for bread-and-butter positions in the leadership of the new party began. At the same time, it is not surprising that people from Unity prevailed over the “Overe” members. Although Volodin became vice-speaker of the Duma and first deputy head of the united faction, the leader of United Russia Boris Gryzlov I didn’t really trust him, seeing Vyacheslav Viktorovich as a dangerous competitor. Therefore, after consulting at a high level, Boris Vyacheslavovich agreed that Volodin would replace Dmitry Ayatskov as governor of the Saratov region, who did not fit into the new realities. It seemed that Vyacheslav Viktorovich’s Moscow career was over. But it only seemed so.
The omnipotent suddenly intervened in Volodin’s fate Vladislav Surkov, who decided to talk to Volodin face to face. After the conversation, Vladislav Yuryevich realized that Vyacheslav Viktorovich should not vegetate in Saratov. Organize his meeting with the President Putin It turned out to be a matter of technology. Thus, Volodin not only remained in Moscow, but also became secretary of the presidium of the general council of the United Russia party.
In 2007, Vyacheslav Viktorovich was re-elected to the State Duma on the United Russia list without any problems, again becoming Boris Gryzlov’s vice-speaker. A year later, he was re-elected to the post of secretary of the presidium of the General Council of United Russia. True, Volodin did not stay in his last post for long, losing it in 2010 Sergei Neverov. This was caused by the fact that Vyacheslav Viktorovich ceased to be a deputy, becoming the head of the apparatus of the Government of the Russian Federation with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister, replacing Sergei Sobyanin, who, in turn, replaced Yuri Luzhkov, who had “lost confidence,” as mayor of Moscow.
In this position, Volodin distinguished himself by becoming the de facto “father” of a new political association called the All-Russian Popular Front (ONF). This structure was supposed to replace the “United Russia”, which was rather boring to voters, which from a political party had finally turned into a closed club of officials. The author of the idea of the ONF was Vyacheslav Viktorovich, and Putin really liked this idea. He liked it so much that he appointed Volodin as the unofficial head of his campaign headquarters (the official director was Stanislav Govorukhin, but everyone understood that he was just a wedding general) during the 2012 presidential election campaign.
Well, on the eve of the elections, in December 2011, when Moscow was seething, agitated by “white-ribbon” protests against the falsification of voting results in the State Duma, Vyacheslav Viktorovich replaced Vladislav Surkov as first deputy head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation. This appointment initially caused laughter. Voices were heard that if Surkov himself, a real genius of Byzantine deceit, could not cope with the protests, then how could Saratov Zlatoust cope (so ironically, at the suggestion of Gryzlov, Volodin was called in the State Duma).
However, as time passed, the skeptics subsided somewhat. The “white ribbon” movement has come to naught, its leaders are either behind bars, or “surrounded” on all sides by law enforcement officers, or ridiculed and finally pushed to the sidelines political life countries. Moreover, it was done in a casual, unpretentious manner, without Surkov’s “complicated” combinations. True, in many respects the protests stopped for reasons beyond the control of Vyacheslav Viktorovich, and the reasons that gave rise to them did not go away, but were simply “swept under the carpet.” Therefore, it cannot be said that Volodin, like a god ex machina, took and returned the situation to its previous course. But still, as a sophisticated politician, he cannot be underestimated.
Vyacheslav Viktorovich’s character is complex. It is difficult to work with him because of his extreme demands. Moreover, in his demandingness, he does not distinguish between the male and female sexes, for which he is known as a “cracker” and even received the stigma of a “homosexual” (according to some information, Surkov is gradually promoting this topic). But still, despite everything, he knows how to make people work. He only does not tolerate independence, since he needs exclusively controllable people, like cogs in the machine he created. Therefore, it is not for nothing that spiteful critics nicknamed Volodin Oorfene Deuce, and his comrades - wooden soldiers.
For Vyacheslav Viktorovich, the main thing is the strict implementation of his instructions and guidelines. In this case, it does not matter whether his subordinate is a poor specialist or a professional of the highest class, whether he is uneducated to the point of being uncouth or a genius of seven spans in his forehead. With the latter, if they act contrary to his instructions and cannot achieve the result that is correct in his understanding, he breaks up without regret, while the former, if they do not show initiative and are obedient to his will, can be kept with him for as long as he likes. And although some of his creatures, such as the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Government of the Russian Federation Ivan Lobanov, reached considerable heights, the result of such a personnel policy was that Volodin found himself surrounded by ineffective mediocrity.
Of course, Vyacheslav Viktorovich cannot rest his soul in the company of his subordinates, preferring to do this in the dacha village “Sosny” in the Istrinsky district of the Moscow region, where he has a modest estate with an area of 2.5 thousand square meters. At the same time, Volodin’s neighbors are respectable people, such as the head of Rossotrudnichestvo Konstantin Kosachev, former presidential press secretary Sergei Yastrzhembsky and Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Economic Policy, Innovative Development and Entrepreneurship Igor Rudensky. With them on quiet summer evenings on a quiet terrace over a cup of tea you can talk about the fate of the Fatherland.
But sometimes Vyacheslav Viktorovich wants a more brutal holiday, which is unlikely to happen in the Lenten company of Kosachev and Yastrzhembsky. Then he goes to the Saratov region, where he has at his disposal almost all the boarding houses on the balance sheet of the governor’s administration, as well as his personal yacht “Princess”. No, Volodin’s sprees are not as epic as those of his famous countrywoman
Today every resident of the Russian Federation knows about Volodin. The media call Vyacheslav Viktorovich the third person in the country. Most likely, this is true. Vyacheslav Volodin is the speaker of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, as well as its chairman. This is a very controversial and bright personality, famous for his resonant statements and peculiarities of political work. The biography of State Duma Speaker Volodin will be discussed in detail in our article.
Volodin's childhood and youth
The future politician was born in 1964 in the village of Alekseevka, Saratov region. Here Vyacheslav lived with his grandmother and older sister until 1968. Volodin's mother is a rural teacher kindergarten, worked as a teacher all my life. There is no information about the father of the famous politician.
According to Vyacheslav’s friends and classmates, the hero of our article studied very poorly. At school he was known as a straight C student. In the summer, Volodin worked as an assistant combine operator at a local state farm. Having matured, Vyacheslav decided to improve his situation with his studies. He passed successfully entrance exams at the Saratov Institute of Agricultural Mechanization.
Volodin's education
The biography of the State Duma Speaker provides some information about Vyacheslav Viktorovich’s higher education educational institution. In his first year, the future politician showed himself as an active Komsomol member. He was involved in organizing the life and accommodation of many students, built a trade union committee, and also participated in the construction brigade movement. At the age of 20, Volodin was able to head the institute trade union committee, and at the age of 21 he became a member of the CPSU.
The biography of State Duma Speaker Volodin shows that in 1986 the hero of our article completed his bachelor’s degree at SIMA, after which he entered graduate school. Vyacheslav is engaged in teaching, and also writes and defends scientific work. All this allowed Volodin to receive a Ph.D. scientific degree.
In 1990, Volodin entered the Russian presidential academy, choosing a legal specialty. In March 1996, Vyacheslav Viktorovich defended his doctoral work on the topic “Subject of the Russian Federation: the problem of power, lawmaking and management.” The dissertation was accepted at the St. Petersburg Institute of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
Beginning of political activity
What was the beginning of Volodin’s political biography? The Speaker of the State Duma today, Vyacheslav Viktorovich, began his career in power back in 1990. Then he is elected as a deputy of the Saratov City Council. Two years later, he was appointed manager of the affairs of the Council, and later deputy head of the Saratov administration.
In 1993, Volodin held the post of head of the department of government at the Volga Personnel Center. In April 1996, Vyacheslav Viktorovich became vice-governor of the Saratov region, and later first deputy regional chairman of the government.
In December 1999, Volodin was successfully elected to the third convocation of the Russian Federation from the Fatherland - All Russia party. In September 2001, he became the successor of Yevgeny Primakov, the leader of the designated party. Vyacheslav Viktorovich often reports that he owes his career to Primakov. It was Yevgeny Maksimovich who introduced Volodin to the current head of state.
In "United Russia"
In 2001, two broad political movements “Fatherland - All Russia” and “Unity” united. As a result of the merger, the famous United Russia was formed, whose general council included Vyacheslav Viktorovich. From that moment on, both Volodin’s political work and his biography acquired completely different shades.
Vyacheslav Volodin became Speaker of the State Duma in December 2003. Then he entered the fourth convocation in the single-mandate Balakovo constituency from the Saratov region. The hero of our article took second place in terms of the number of votes received - about 81.75%, only Joseph Kobzon was ahead of Volodin.
From 2003 to 2010, Volodin was the first deputy chairman of United Russia. At the same time, Vyacheslav Viktorovich works as deputy head of the State Duma. From 2005 to 2010, Volodin held the position of Secretary of the Presidium of the General Council of United Russia.
Volodin combined political work with teaching for a long time. Until 2010, he worked as the head of the construction department of Moscow State University.
Entrepreneurial activity
Volodin began to engage in entrepreneurial activities in 1999. Then he participated in the development of several companies, as a result of which he took 351st place on the list Russian billionaires according to Forbes magazine. In the 90s, Vyacheslav Viktorovich was the owner of a number of blocking shares in some companies of the Solar Products holding. Volodin’s fortune was estimated at 2.7 billion rubles.
In 2007, Volodin sold all his shares in the business. This is also connected with the beginning of broad political activity - after all, deputies are prohibited from engaging in business.
There is also compromising material in the biography of Vyacheslav Viktorovich Volodin, and it is, of course, connected with the entrepreneurial activities of the politician. In 2006, the hero of our article found himself at the center of a scandal about bribes and kickbacks. It is believed that Volodin lobbied for federal budget transfers for the Saratov Road Fund. This was stated by Gevorg Jlavyan, once the government minister of the Saratov region.
In the State Duma
In October 2010, Vyacheslav Viktorovich was appointed by the president to the post of deputy prime minister, that is, chairman of the government apparatus. In 2011, Volodin was elected to the State Duma from United Russia. Then the party gets 65% of the votes.
Already in December 2011, the hero of our article became the first deputy chairman of the presidential administration in the Russian Federation. In 2012, Volodin actively participated in the promotion of Vladimir Putin in the presidential elections.
In connection with the crisis in Ukraine and support for the annexation of Crimea, Volodin was included in the sanctions lists of the United States, the European Union, and a number of other Western countries in 2014. In 2014, Vyacheslav Viktorovich served as chairman of the Higher School of Economics, and in 2016 he became chairman of the Znanie research community.
In September 2016, United Russia again won the elections to the lower parliamentary house. Vladimir Putin invites Volodin to take the post of Chairman of the State Duma. Already in October 2016, Vyacheslav Viktorovich began his work in this post.
Income
In 2007, Vyacheslav Volodin stated that his finances did not exceed 3.16 million rubles. Two years later, Vyacheslav Viktorovich declared income in the amount of 359.9 million rubles. Volodin's main financial source is Zh.K. LLC, a company involved in the control of the Moscow, Novosibirsk and Saratov fat-packing plants.
Volodin owns an apartment of 74 m2, a plot of 83 acres and a parking space. It is with the property of Vyacheslav Viktorovich that a major scandal that erupted in the fall of 2013 is connected. According to the famous blogger Alexei Navalny, chairman of the Anti-Corruption Foundation, Volodin uses an undeclared plot in the Sosny dacha cooperative in the Moscow region. The area of the site is 11.1 thousand m2. At the same time, the head of the anti-corruption department under the Presidential Administration, Oleg Plokhoi, explained that Volodin has been using the plot in Sosny since 2003, and the land itself is indicated in the declaration for 2013. In response, Navalny accused Volodin of illegal enrichment. The Speaker of the State Duma allegedly did not have the opportunity to legally acquire existing property.
At the moment, Volodin’s income is about 62.1 million rubles. According to media reports, Volodin’s mother, a former kindergarten teacher, is today the owner of eight different companies and enterprises, including Invest Holding LLC.
Personal life of Volodin
What is known about the wife of State Duma Speaker Volodin? The biography of Victoria Volodina-Dmitrieva is well known. The deputy’s wife is the daughter of the former secretary of the Communist Party in the Ershovsky district of the Saratov region. Volodin met his wife at the university. Victoria is two years older than Vyacheslav Viktorovich. Today she is a housewife. She raised her daughter Svetlana (born in 1990), currently a graduate High School Economics.
What is known about the nationality of State Duma Speaker Volodin? The biography of the deputy’s ancestors is almost unknown, and therefore there is no exact information about the origin of Vyacheslav Viktorovich. In addition, the politician himself never disclosed information about his nationality.
Socio-political views
Volodin is an ardent supporter of the current political regime and an avid conservative. So, in 2014, the politician showed his support for the current president. According to Vyacheslav Viktorovich, Russia will perish without Putin, and attacks on the head of state are attacks on the country. Volodin, among other things, is very concerned about the problem patriotic education in Russia. In particular, the Chairman of the State Duma has a sharply negative assessment of opposition tendencies in society.
A number of liberal publications believe that under Volodin the influence on the media has noticeably tightened. Many channels and organizations were recognized as “foreign agents,” and intense surveillance was established over the supply of information.
Volodin’s colleagues note his humanity and fairness. An opinion about an official is formed on the basis of his work, biography and personal life. Vyacheslav Volodin, for example, was married only once, which gives him some advantages in the eyes of the public.
Vyacheslav Viktorovich has a large number of awards. Among them, for example, III and IV degrees, the Order of Honor and Friendship, Medal from the Ministry of Justice, from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, a number of municipal districts, etc.
Volodin actively advocates the development of the categories of “spirituality,” “patriotism,” and “the fight against the corrupting influence of the West.” The hero of our article is the author of the famous saying “No Putin, no Russia,” which he said in 2014 at the Valdai Forum.
The media also raises the issue of the sexual orientation of State Duma Speaker Volodin. The politician’s biography would seem to give a clear indication of his heterosexuality: Vyacheslav Viktorovich is married and has a daughter. Why bring up such a peculiar topic? It all started with a statement by LGBT activist Nikolai Alekseev live on the Ekho Moskvy radio station. According to Alekseev, the speaker is allegedly among the celebrities with non-traditional orientation. It was after this unconfirmed information that a number of media outlets began to raise the question of Volodin’s personal life.
This caused many jokes in a variety of media and widespread discussion online about whether the first deputy head of the presidential administration could in fact be homosexual.
On November 18, the Izvestia newspaper website published an article entitled “LGBT activists are being used to discredit Russian officials.” In the text, the authors recall a story from more than six months ago, when public figure Nikolai Alekseev said on the Ekho Moskvy radio station that a number of high-ranking officials in Russia were secret homosexuals. Alekseev personally mentioned the first deputy head of the presidential administration Vyacheslav Volodin, the head of Sberbank German Gref and the head of Sheremetyevo airport Mikhail Vasilenko. Now Izvestia has collected the opinions of political scientists about why this statement was made.
Referring to correspondence between Nikolai Alekseev and representatives of the US State Department allegedly posted by “hackers,” the newspaper claims that in this way representatives of the LGBT community are trying to compromise Russian officials at the request of the State Department. The day before, on November 17, the same Izvestia published information about the financing of the LGBT movement from abroad and the alleged correspondence, which representatives of the US Embassy in Moscow have already called fake and that it is fake.
Represented by political scientist Sergei Chernyakhovsky calls Vyacheslav Volodin “an interesting politician” and explains why 7 months ago he was called gay.
“People working in areas that were previously not in the best condition, but now bring effective results, are under attack. For example, Vyacheslav Volodin is responsible for successfully suppressing the attempted white-ribbon coup and rebellion in 2011–2012, increasing the responsibility of the activities of local authorities.”
Another political scientist, Sergei Markov, explains Alekseev’s words by the need to “work off” grants.
“The surest way is to make something like this, since you don’t need evidence to accuse someone of non-traditional sexual orientation. After this, the politician finds himself in an uncomfortable situation, all ways to prove the opposite will look like an attempt to justify himself, and silence can also be interpreted not in favor of the activist.”
The article was noticed by dozens of journalists and thousands of users social networks. First of all, it looks strange to try to answer Alekseev’s accusations more than six months later. It is also not entirely clear why it was necessary to involve political scientists at all, and why not ask Volodin and Gref themselves about their sexual orientation.
The presenter of “Echo of Moscow” Alexander Plyushchev (by analogy with the obligatory mention for the media that this or that organization, such as the “Islamic State” or the “Right Sector”, is banned in Russia) believes that it is possible to introduce a clause to the effect that that this or that civil servant is not homosexual.
“We came up with the idea of adding a mandatory “Not gay” clause to an official position. Let's say, “Deputy Prime Minister of the government so-and-so is not gay.” Or “a high-ranking employee of the Presidential Administration, not gay,” Plyushchev wrote on his blog.
Many saw in the publication of Izvestia the initiative of Vyacheslav Volodin himself, who for some reason has now decided to remove suspicions of homosexuality. Publisher of the Meduza website Ilya Krasilshchik offered this version on your Facebook page.
“Great text. Volodin reports through the Izvestia newspaper that they call him gay, but he actually did a lot of good for the country.”
On Twitter, the Izvestia article became a real hit. One of the most popular versions: Vyacheslav Volodin thus admitted that he really is a homosexual, since there was no pressing reason for the publication, and the very assumption that he is gay is not directly refuted anywhere.
© "APN", 04/23/2002, "Vladislav Surkov's favorites went behind enemy lines",
Transcripts of names and photos found on Rambler-Russian Power
Russia is ruled by the homosexual lobby
The initiative of the leaders of the Duma group “People's Deputy” Gennady Raikov, Vadim Bulavinov and Dmitry Rogozin to restore criminal liability for sodomy indicates a new round of the struggle for power in Russia [...].
The leaders of the People's Deputy, according to some sources, are deeply sexually suspicious of 38-year-old Vyacheslav V[olodin?], the leader of one of the centrist factions, who plans to run for the governor's post in the iconic region of Russia in the foreseeable future. In addition, a real homosexual lobby has developed in the executive branch. [...] This lobby is centered on the presidential aide, 48-year-old Sergei Ya[Strzhembsky?], who wishes to remain anonymous. Thus, with the direct assistance of Sergei Ya[Strzhembsky?], at the beginning of this year, 54-year-old Vladimir Zorin[?], about whom there are legends in presidential structures, was appointed federal minister. Allegedly, back in the early 90s of the last century, Zorin?, working at the Interros company, which at that time did not yet belong to Vladimir Potanin, was repeatedly caught in reprehensible contacts with boys. The political and social orientation of another federal minister, 46-year-old Igor Yu[sufov?], who [...] greatly contributed to the apparatus career of a number of his close friends, one of whom is 29-year-old V.M. – was recently almost appointed deputy minister. Only the intervention of the special services prevented the scandal [...].
Vyacheslav Viktorovich Volodin is the speaker of the State Duma of the 7th convocation, a famous patriot-power leader, one of the most prominent persons of United Russia. In the past, he was the first deputy head of the Kremlin administration, responsible for ideology and domestic policy, State Duma deputy, head of the government apparatus, deputy prime minister and vice-governor of the Saratov region.The politician’s statement made in 2014 in Sochi, during a speech in discussion club“Valdai”, namely: “Without Putin there is no Russia.” Although some critics considered his statement not so much a conscious conviction as a desire to be in a kind of trend.
His advice to study and make the collection “Words That Change the World” into a reference book did not go unnoticed by the public. Key quotes from Vladimir Putin,” which was sent out by the Kremlin administration at the end of 2015 as a New Year’s gift to heads of executive committees, governors, deputies and other officials (approximately 1 thousand copies in total).
Childhood and family of Vyacheslav Volodin
Future famous statesman was born on February 4, 1964 in the village of Alekseevka, at the foot of the Khvalynsky Mountains, Saratov region. There he lived with his older sister under the supervision of his grandparents until 1968. His mother, Lidia Petrovna, who devoted her entire life to the teaching profession, worked as a kindergarten teacher in one of the neighboring villages, where she then took her grown-up children. She subsequently worked as a primary school teacher. 
Later, another son was born into the family. There is no publicly available information regarding the father of the family. It is known that Volodin’s brother chose the path of the military, and his sister became an employee of a consulting firm.
In the lower grades, Vyacheslav was a straight C student. However, he could not be called lazy, for example, at the age of 14 he worked all summer on a state farm as an assistant combine operator. Having matured, he corrected the situation with his academic performance, which allowed him to successfully pass the entrance exams to the Saratov Institute of Agricultural Mechanization.
Already in his first year, Vyacheslav Volodin showed himself as a Komsomol activist: he was involved in organizing the accommodation and life of students as a member of the trade union committee, was a participant in the construction brigade movement, being a commissar of the detachment, at the age of 20 he headed the trade union committee of the institute, at the age of 21 he became a member of the CPSU.
In 1986, he graduated from SIMAKh and remained in graduate school. At this time, he simultaneously taught and wrote a scientific work “Development and justification of the parameters of a weight dosing device for stem feed,” which he defended in 1989 and received a Candidate of Technical Sciences degree.
Political career of Vyacheslav Volodin
Volodin’s political path dates back to 1990 – it was then that he became a deputy of the City Council. In 1992, he managed the affairs of the city administration, in 1993 he was deputy rector of the Volga Personnel Center (which received the status of a civil service academy in 1995), worked there as a professor, and headed the department. In 1994, another career leap took place - he was promoted to regional Duma from the “Union of Reserve Officers” (although he was not a military personnel). 
According to some sources, its promotion on a city scale was facilitated by the head of the regional political council of United Russia, academician Pyotr Glybochko. He has long been friends with Volodin, their wives are sisters.
In 1995, the young politician graduated from the Russian Academy of Civil Service, received a Doctor of Law degree in 1996, and began to rapidly gain popularity and significance in the political environment thanks to his amazing performance and personal qualities. For his ability to achieve goals with the help of unpredictable actions and complex “multi-moves”, he was given the nickname “Byzantine” (later, at the suggestion of Boris Gryzlov, he was also called “Saratov Chrysostom” - for his undeniable oratorical talent).
Due to the loss of mutual understanding with Governor Ayatskov, who began to perceive Volodin as a dangerous competitor, Volodin had to leave power. He moved to the capital and went into business, while simultaneously participating in the organization of the Fatherland political project under the patronage of Yuri Luzhkov. In 1999, this political force merged with the All Russia movement, Volodin became its parliamentarian, and in 2001, the head of this electoral bloc.
Two years later, after the merger of OVR and Unity into United Russia, he, through complex political intrigue, as the media claimed at that time, became vice-speaker and first deputy leader of the United Russia faction. In 2005 he was elected secretary general, and in 2007 he was re-elected to the State Duma. In 2009, he took the position of head of the department of government construction at Moscow State University.
In 2010, a prominent United Russia member was appointed chief of staff Russian government- Deputy Prime Minister. He was the initiator of the creation of a new political project - the All-Russian Popular Front - to replace the "United Russia", which was fed up with voters.
Vyacheslav Volodin about the reign of Vladimir Putin
In 2011, an official named by the media as the most famous Saratov resident in modern history, went into direct service with Vladimir Putin - he became the first deputy head of the Kremlin administration. In 2012, he took an active part in the presidential election campaign of Vladimir Vladimirovich.
In 2014, the politician was included in the list of Russians against whom the EU, USA and a number of other countries imposed sanctions in response to Moscow’s policy in Ukraine. In the same year, he joined (as head) the supervisory board of the Higher School of Economics.
Interview with Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Vyacheslav Volodin
According to his income declaration for 2015, he earned about 87 million rubles (almost an order of magnitude more than the head of state) and surpassed all Kremlin employees in this indicator (for reference, Dmitry Peskov was in second place, declaring 50 million less). The official donated almost half of the funds received (40 million) to charity. In 2006, the weekly publication “Finance.” estimated the fortune of the first deputy head of the Administration at $95 million.
Personal life of Vyacheslav Volodin
Vyacheslav Volodin is married to Victoria (nee Dmitrieva), daughter of the First Secretary of the Communist Party Committee of the Ershov District of the Saratov Region, whom he met while studying at the institute. His wife is 2 years older than him, a housewife. The couple raised a daughter, Svetlana, who was born in 1990. She is a graduate of the Higher School of Economics. It is also known that two more sons are growing up in the family; the eldest of them is called Vladimir. 
The curator of domestic policy is unpretentious in food; he is a supporter of simple Russian cuisine. Vyacheslav Volodin also dresses simply, preferring a “friendly image without pretensions.” The official most often rests in the elite dacha village of Sosny near Moscow, where he has at his disposal an estate of 2.5 thousand m 2 s big house, an artificial reservoir and a helipad. According to oppositionist Alexei Navalny, United Russia deliberately established a kind of dacha partnership there so as not to declare their real estate. Volodin does not forget his native land, where he has at his disposal magnificent boarding houses on the Volga and his personal yacht “Princess”. He also owned a villa on the Cote d'Azur.
Vyacheslav Volodin today
In 2016, Vyacheslav Volodin was almost unanimously appointed speaker of the State Duma of the 7th convocation, receiving 404 votes out of a possible 450. Soon after his appointment, he was named third on the list of the most influential politicians in the Russian Federation, behind only Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev. 
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